The terror spreads

The violence was not just confined to the capital. Attacks were soon unleashed on the outer colonies around Delhi and further afield, wherever Sikhs were concentrated throughout the ‘cow-belt’ states of northern India and beyond.


The second most affected place after Delhi was the cosmopolitan city of Kanpur in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh. Equally intense was the violence that erupted in Bokaro Steel City and the Chas area in the eastern state of Bihar.

From Jammu & Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh in the north-west, violence spread across the central northern states of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, where close to forty towns were affected by the organised violence. Rajasthan and Gujarat in the west, and Bihar and West Bengal in the east, saw outbreaks of violence, as did Maharashtra in the south-west. The barbarity even reached Assam in the remote north-east of the country.


Arson and looting takes place of Sikh shops at Deshbandhu Gupta Marg, Delhi. The organised state-sponsored rampage continued unabated for four days, with businesses and homes devastated and livelihoods lost. Photographer Bhawan Singh, India Today.

Immediately when we came out they pounced upon us like blood-thirsty animals. The first blow hit my mother. She was so dazed by this sudden and unprovoked attack that she did not even scream and fell down on the ground. The chopper caused a deep cut on her shoulder and she bled profusely. The attackers did not stop after she had fallen but all of them gave her blows with their weapons causing grievous injuries and thus killed her. The next to be attacked was my younger sister, aged seventeen. A long knife was thrust into her neck, which caused a deep cut and a stream of blood flowed from it. She instantaneously fell down but the criminals continued to hit her till they were sure that my helpless sister was dead.

Affidavit of survivor Narinder Singh of Gammon Colony. Submitted to the Misra Commission, 1987.

Arson and looting: people look on as Sikh businesses are targeted by the mobs. Photographer Ashok Vahie.

A young girl from Bihar recounted how on the morning of 1 November, a large crowd, including some neighbours, marched to her house chanting anti-Sikh slogans. Armed with iron rods, axes, spears and firearms, they managed to break open the front door and dragged out her parents and three brothers, aged sixteen, twenty-five and thirty two. She watched helplessly from a window in another neighbour’s house as her family members were each butchered in turn.

Affidavit of Miss Jasbir Kaur of Gammon Colony. Submitted to the Misra Commission, 1987.
Four Sikh brothers, the owners of the burning shop, Sahni Paints, in Paharganj are roasted alive. Photographer India Today.

Read more about the attacks in Pahaganj.



While some eyewitness accounts from the riot victims in the camps identify local RSS or BJP workers, the vast majority name Congress-I politicians, including a few MPs. It was no different in relief camps located throughout the city. The majority of the politicians whose involvement was alleged, belonged to the Congress-I.

The Enemy Within. Ivan Fera. The Illustrated Weekly of India. 23 December 1984.

Sikh businesses set on fire, while the general public watch. Photographer Ashok Vahie.

Whole Sikh neighbourhoods being torched and gutted by rampaging mobs. Photographer Bhawan Singh, India Today.

After the first wave of killings, police attached themselves to roaming death squads in the hunt to chase down as many surviving Sikhs as possible. Several people testified that the police were instrumental in repeatedly giving killers free passage into colonies to ensure that those on the murder lists had been accounted for.

Don’t worry; we are coming to burn you too.

A police responding to a survivors’ pleas for help. Quoted in Jarnail Singh, I Accuse… The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984, 2011, page 26.
The burning Imperial Hotel, Delhi. Written testimony from the Station Officer, Connaught Place record that on 1 November 1984, the taxi stands and vehicles were also set alight in the nearby Janpath area and shops belonging to Sikhs looted and burnt outside the Regal Cinema. Photographer Ashok Vahie.

Impressive platitudes-calling in the army, indefinite curfew, shoot-at-sight orders issued were broadcast over the radio, flashed over television screens and headlined in newspapers for a week till 6 November. ‘Situation under control’ was another well flogged cliche during this period. [But] it was only after 5 November, when the army was eventually issued comprehensive instructions, that curfew was strictly enforced.

Rahul Kuldip Bedi. Politics of a Pogrom. The Assassination and After. Arun Shourie, Prannoy Roy, Shekhar Gupta. Roli Books. New Delhi. 1985.
A Sikh family, whose home was being stoned by a mob below, take refuge on the rooftop while their neighbours watch on. Photographer Bhawan Singh, India Today

Police personnel were deployed from a police-training centre in Haryana to create chaos, lawlessness and destruction. A survivor who later testified at an inquiry described how he had managed to get hold of one of those indulging in the violence and recovered an identity card proving he was from the Madhuban Police Training Centre in Haryana.

Affidavit submitted by Kuldip Singh Bhogal, Hari Nagar Ashram, to the Nanavati Commission, 2005.
Passerby looks at a Sikh resident of Nand Nagri in East Delhi who was burnt to death. Photographer Sondeep Shankar/ Saab Pictures.

Read more about the attacks in Nand Nagri.


All India Radio emphasised Indira Gandhi’s killers from a Sikh background. Initial reports on both television and radio painted the attacks as an ‘exchange of fire’, giving the erroneous impression that there was fighting between two communities.

Labouring at a leisurely pace they split open Lachman Singh’s skull and pouring kerosene into the gash set alight the half-alive man in front of Gyan Devi, his wife. Balwant Singh, who tried to escape after shaving himself, had his eyes gouged out before he too was similarly burnt. Sarb Singh, his terror-stricken father-in-law, watched. The sport continued, interspersed with solicitous visits from the local police to ensure that things were going well.

Rahul Kuldip Bedi. Politics of a Pogrom. The Assassination and After. Arun Shourie, Prannoy Roy, Shekhar Gupta. Roli Books. New Delhi. 1985.

In those days they couldn’t possibly believe that almost 3,000 innocents were murdered in 4 days, most of them in broad daylight, in India’s capital city. Not one image of the looting and arson, let alone of the killing, was ever shown on TV.

Aseem Shrivastava, The Winter in Delhi, Counterpunch, 10 December 2005.

Sikh businesses were meticulously targeted while others adjacent were left unscathed. Left: Connaught Place, New Delhi. Photographer Ashok Vahie.

It’s all lies that they were outsiders. No one was from outside. They were all from here. We went to the back lane to hide but nobody was willing to hide us. Now of course they’re all saying that they helped a lot. The same people were killing and the same people were doing everything [else].

Nanki Bai, a widow from Kalyanpuri, interviewed by Uma Chakravarti and Nandita Haksar.
The burning and looting continues, even on Delhi’s middle-class neighbourhoods. Photographer Ashok Vahie.

Attack on Sikh businesses caught on camera. Delhi. Photographer unknown.
Mobs attempting to break into a Sikh premise. Delhi. Photographer unknown.

Official statements

Fifteen, maybe twenty people have died in violence during the day.
Things are under control.

Subhash Tandon, Delhi Police Commissioner and P. G. Gavai, Lieutenant Governor, Delhi. Who are the Guilty? People’s Union for Democratic Rights &
People’s Union for Civil Liberties, 1984.

End of the day 1st and 2nd of November: all clear, nothing to report.

Diary entries of the police. Sreenivasan Jain, ‘Truth vs hype: 1984 Riots – political complicity, aborted justice’, NDTV, February 8, 2014


Violence targeting the Sikh community of India continues for a third day.